Odds and ends
Odds and ends
I've been working on a project recently, set in the same world as Ussaria. More specifically, it's the Axanic family, a small dialect continuum whose most salient representatives are Heolese, my primary focus, and Axanic, a close cousin (think French to Spanish). The name come from Axanak, the name for the littoral region in the map below.
Here's a map of the distribution of the two languages. Dark red is Heolese; Pink is Axanic. The shade in the middle represents dialects in the middle of the continuum.
Proto-Axanic was never attested in great amounts, as it was not a prestige language at the time, but remainders remain in quotes by peasants as well as loanwords into the Old Guney language used as the local lingua franca. As a result, the grammar here is by definition quite sketchy.
Proto-Axarite has this phonology:
/i i: a a: u u: ə/
/*p *b *t *d *c * ɟ *k *g *q/
/*s *h/
/*m *n *ɲ *ŋ/
/*l *r/
/*ɹ *j *w/
A lot of these are a little speculative. Perhaps the sketchiest are *q and *h, since there are no obvious reflexes for either in both daughter languages. *q is reconstructed as a separate phoneme because Axanic /k/ corresponds both to Heolese /k/ and /h/. A reconstruction as */q/ specifically is suggested by backing of preceding vowels in some Axanic dialects, as well as by some suggestive loanwords. *h is on safer ground, but since its reflex varies between [x] and [h] on a very small dialectal level, it's not clear which would be best.
The nominal morphology of Proto-Axarite is a little sketchy as of yet. Let's move along to verbs.
Verbs are marked for agreement with their subjects (number, person) as well as a conjectural TAM distinction which surfaces with different meanings in the descendants. There are two aspects, called "perfective" and "imperfective." These are their values in Standard (aka Western) Heolese, but in the dialects they vary; in Axanic they mark discontinuous and perfect aspect, respectively. I'm not so good at formatting tables and stuff, so here's a link to a chart of the conjugations.
I'll start in on some sound changes and morphological changes soon; you can see a sneak peek on that doc.
Here's a map of the distribution of the two languages. Dark red is Heolese; Pink is Axanic. The shade in the middle represents dialects in the middle of the continuum.
Proto-Axanic was never attested in great amounts, as it was not a prestige language at the time, but remainders remain in quotes by peasants as well as loanwords into the Old Guney language used as the local lingua franca. As a result, the grammar here is by definition quite sketchy.
Proto-Axarite has this phonology:
/i i: a a: u u: ə/
/*p *b *t *d *c * ɟ *k *g *q/
/*s *h/
/*m *n *ɲ *ŋ/
/*l *r/
/*ɹ *j *w/
A lot of these are a little speculative. Perhaps the sketchiest are *q and *h, since there are no obvious reflexes for either in both daughter languages. *q is reconstructed as a separate phoneme because Axanic /k/ corresponds both to Heolese /k/ and /h/. A reconstruction as */q/ specifically is suggested by backing of preceding vowels in some Axanic dialects, as well as by some suggestive loanwords. *h is on safer ground, but since its reflex varies between [x] and [h] on a very small dialectal level, it's not clear which would be best.
The nominal morphology of Proto-Axarite is a little sketchy as of yet. Let's move along to verbs.
Verbs are marked for agreement with their subjects (number, person) as well as a conjectural TAM distinction which surfaces with different meanings in the descendants. There are two aspects, called "perfective" and "imperfective." These are their values in Standard (aka Western) Heolese, but in the dialects they vary; in Axanic they mark discontinuous and perfect aspect, respectively. I'm not so good at formatting tables and stuff, so here's a link to a chart of the conjugations.
I'll start in on some sound changes and morphological changes soon; you can see a sneak peek on that doc.
Re: Odds and ends
Looks interesting!
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
kårroť
kårroť
Re: Odds and ends
And there's someone whose maps are as rubbish as mine! Looking forward to more
Re: Odds and ends
Another thought. Is Ussaria on the map? Or elsewhere?
Re: Odds and ends
Haha! Love the solidarity!
Here's a map of the world, with a political map overlayed with the languages. Teal is the distribution of Ussaria, while light blue are languages related to it. Note that the dotted lines indicate areas of spotty or partial sovreignty. Ussaria has been spread agressively by the expansion of Ussaret, though it should be noted that many of the areas it is spoken are sparsely populated.
Re: Odds and ends
I'm going to talk a little bit about the development of religion in this conworld. More specifically, I'm focusing on the religion of the Garanih, the region which includes Axanak, Parvary, Gahal, Walesa, and Guney.
(This is a map of the present day. Regions in all caps are the names of countries, while the rest are regional names. Note that these overlap; Guney is used for the island of which the country of Guney occupies the northern portion, Andej also refers to the mountain range which predominates in the country. Gahal is currently a region, but for most of the period under discussion was independent).
Religion, and culture more generally in the Garanih must begin with Guney and Guneyic religion. The earliest accounts we have of either come from the semi-mythical realm which began the 1st Era [1] but the first really substantial accounts come from around 400 1E, where the northern half of Guney Island begins to be historically attested. Northern Guney island is well-watered and fertile, with a warm tropical climate comparable to South Florida. The result was a high population density, including a large urban population for the time period as well as dense rural populations too. The Guneyese grew rice and kept chickens, and supplemented their diet with large amounts of seafood. They also invented writing, which is how we know about their life and culture. Their society was patriarchal, but women had some power, particularly when married, as they had equal rights to their husband's properties; rich women outranked poor men. Additionally, traditional rules of inheritance meant that all children, regardless of gender, inherited a share of their father's land and possessions; this meant that Guneyic society over the documented course of history had a large amount of population pressure. The dense population meant that the Guneyese were organized around small city-states which frequently fought minor wars.
In any case, these city-states shared a common language and common devotional practices, centered around a small cast of deities:
Owa--father of the gods
Mabüö--mother of the gods, goddess of night and the moon
Argök--god of the sun and light, god of war
Kügnü--goddess of fire, agriculture, fertility [2]
Maŋa--goddess of rain and pastoralism, intellectualism
Nihus--god of the ocean
Religion in ancient Guney wasn't something you believed; it was something you did. Core to Guneyic religion is the concept of the procession; a rite practiced on the 9th day of every week [3]. Processions lasted all day, varying in time depending on the deities worshipped. For example the goddess of fire, Kügnü, had her procession at high noon, in the heat of the day, while Nihus, the god of fish, had his procession in the early morning, at optimal fishing times. Which procession one took part in varied based on what was important to the person at any given moment; a fisherman who hadn't caught many fish might go in Nihus's procession, but after abundance returned he might march in a different one. Processions usually consisted of marching to a centrally located temple site, usually accompanied by drums and tambourines, as well as offerings, usually flowers [4] and food among the rich.
Aside from procesisons, there were a few other common religious practices. The countryside was scattered with small shrines, and stopping by them with flowers or grasses was common practice. Additionally, nearly everyone went to the island of Karati, a tiny atoll whose lagoon was the birthplace of the gods.
Like most traditional religion on earth, the Guneyese had no concept of exclusive adherence; thus they happily borrowed deities from neighboring peoples. Maŋa likely came from the pastoralist people who inhabited the dry leeward southwest of Guney island, for example. But in their early years the Guneyese had relatively little contact with their neighbors outside of small-scale trade, and thus relatively little theology was borrowed.
Among elites, there was an increasing belief in what later generations termed "reciprocalism" -- namely the view that the world consisted a force, commonly called Morbi, or Power. Morbi is asymmetrical; in the view of these early philosophers the gods had lots of it, and that was the primary difference between them and regular people. Balancing the power in an appropriate way was of great concern to these philosophers; in effect this became the theological justification for offerings, which were the best human recompense for divine favor.
Processions and Power intersected with the Guneyic vision of metaphysics. In this view, Gods were not omniscient nor omnipotent, but rather very powerful beings who traveled across the human world in processions of their own. Their power came from human offerings, and these offerings also could draw attention and intercession from the gods, who may have been elsewhere in the world. After death, good people would go march with the gods in processions of ecstasy and altruism. Bad people would remain as malevolent ghosts until their wrongs were resolved.
The Rise of the Cult of Kügnü
However, around 700 1E [5], Guneyic religion rapidly became defined by the worship of the fertility goddess Kügnü and her sons, Arkat and Degün. This shift's origins aren't especially clear. Kügnü was always popular among farmers due to her association with fertility. It is believed that a long famine in the 680s, combined with plentiful harvests in the 690s, led to increased appreciative devotion. Recent research has also emphasized the popularity of Kügnü among elite women, whose devotion influenced their politically powerful husbands. Regardless, the amenable elites of the various Guneyic polities adopted the fanatical devotion which defined Kügnü worship. These included day-long processions, often accompanied by Dionysian celebrations of mass drinking, as well as instances of "Kügnü possession," in which women, usually elite married women, would "become" Kügnü and issue blessings and occassionally prophecies, as well as participate in frenetic dancing and long, frenzied processions.
None adopted this way of thinking more zealously than the city-state of Gambos, which combined Kügnü worship with an imperial ambition. Gambos made short work of Guneyic city states, and declared itself as the Guneyic empire, marching north to the island of Walesa, and on to Gahal, then called Guney Gaahal, or New Guney. The people there enthusiastically adopted Guneyic religions, customs, and language. Only Western Walesa, or Wale, retained its original language and culture. The long-running problem of increasingly small and marginal inheritances and overpopulation was solved by conquest; those with poor inheritances could move to Walesa or Gahal and have a large estate [6]. Guneyic culture spread extensively in Axanak as well as the language of prestige even without full-on conquest; the popularity of old Guneyic as a lingua franca is the reason why Proto-Axanic is undocumented.
It's worth noting that the rise of Kügnü did not mean the removal of the traditional gods. Rather, they lost much of their luster as objects of devotion, and became primarily of theological interest--much like many early important gods of Hinduism.
Arkat and Degün had unique roles in the cosmology of Guneyic religion. Arkat in many ways was associated with Argök; theological commentaries of the time explained this away as Argök being another form of Arkat. Arkat's profile is as the god of the sun as well, but this was extended into the sky as a whole, and light. Degün, on the other hand, was mostly purloined from the Wale goddess of the moon, albeit gender-flipped. Degün rules the sea with his tidal abilities, and is traditionally seen as the patron of arts and aesthetics. The opposition between these two led to an increased interest in dualism, and the two gods became common shorthand for opposites.
This period also saw an increased interest in eschatology as well, perhaps inspired by indigenous beliefs in Gahal (reinforced by the fact that many of eschatologists were Gahalese). Many theologians began to view this world as the latest in a series of cataclysmic world-remaking events, in which everything was redistributed by corrections in imbalances of Morbi. Here the gods and people were both results of the current era--they did not precede its making at the beginning of time. Opinion on the preceding eras, before the cataclysms which produced the current one, were mixed; some believed it was run by powerful spider-like creatures, while others thought that humans had gills and lived in the sea. Often these preceding eras were allegorical or thought experiments rather than overt declarations of clear facts.
This was how things stood around 980 1e, before everything would be changed by a profound political and philosophical challenge. Coming up: Wale Skepticism.
[1] History in this world is commonly divided into eras; four as of the present day. The current year is 614 3e; the 1st era lasted from 1 1e to 1650 1e, while the 2nd era lasted from 1 2e to 421 2e. The 3rd went from 1 3e to 1104 3e, so there have been 3,789 years in the historical calendar, though as said above much of the first few hundred years of the 1st era are semi-mythological in attestation.
2] Guney Island has a fair few volcanoes, and the fertility of volcanic soils was well known to the people of the region.
[3] The people of this world generally divide the year into weeks of 10 days.
[4] This was and is a common custom when visiting anyone's house as well; it has spread with the spread of Guneyic religion.
[5] Men could be possessed by Kügnü too. Traditionally Guneyic society, while not homophobic per se, was highly disapproving of male "submissiveness" or "effeminacy"--Kügnü possession provided an acceptable justification for either, whether socially or sexually.
[6] Although the economic aspect of Guneyic imperialism is very important, there was a theological aspect too--a large polity could offer large offerings to gods, and on a large scale.
Let me know if this makes sense, or if there are things I should clarify! When a conworld sits in your head for long enough, it's easy to leave out information that may seem obvious to you.
(This is a map of the present day. Regions in all caps are the names of countries, while the rest are regional names. Note that these overlap; Guney is used for the island of which the country of Guney occupies the northern portion, Andej also refers to the mountain range which predominates in the country. Gahal is currently a region, but for most of the period under discussion was independent).
Religion, and culture more generally in the Garanih must begin with Guney and Guneyic religion. The earliest accounts we have of either come from the semi-mythical realm which began the 1st Era [1] but the first really substantial accounts come from around 400 1E, where the northern half of Guney Island begins to be historically attested. Northern Guney island is well-watered and fertile, with a warm tropical climate comparable to South Florida. The result was a high population density, including a large urban population for the time period as well as dense rural populations too. The Guneyese grew rice and kept chickens, and supplemented their diet with large amounts of seafood. They also invented writing, which is how we know about their life and culture. Their society was patriarchal, but women had some power, particularly when married, as they had equal rights to their husband's properties; rich women outranked poor men. Additionally, traditional rules of inheritance meant that all children, regardless of gender, inherited a share of their father's land and possessions; this meant that Guneyic society over the documented course of history had a large amount of population pressure. The dense population meant that the Guneyese were organized around small city-states which frequently fought minor wars.
In any case, these city-states shared a common language and common devotional practices, centered around a small cast of deities:
Owa--father of the gods
Mabüö--mother of the gods, goddess of night and the moon
Argök--god of the sun and light, god of war
Kügnü--goddess of fire, agriculture, fertility [2]
Maŋa--goddess of rain and pastoralism, intellectualism
Nihus--god of the ocean
Religion in ancient Guney wasn't something you believed; it was something you did. Core to Guneyic religion is the concept of the procession; a rite practiced on the 9th day of every week [3]. Processions lasted all day, varying in time depending on the deities worshipped. For example the goddess of fire, Kügnü, had her procession at high noon, in the heat of the day, while Nihus, the god of fish, had his procession in the early morning, at optimal fishing times. Which procession one took part in varied based on what was important to the person at any given moment; a fisherman who hadn't caught many fish might go in Nihus's procession, but after abundance returned he might march in a different one. Processions usually consisted of marching to a centrally located temple site, usually accompanied by drums and tambourines, as well as offerings, usually flowers [4] and food among the rich.
Aside from procesisons, there were a few other common religious practices. The countryside was scattered with small shrines, and stopping by them with flowers or grasses was common practice. Additionally, nearly everyone went to the island of Karati, a tiny atoll whose lagoon was the birthplace of the gods.
Like most traditional religion on earth, the Guneyese had no concept of exclusive adherence; thus they happily borrowed deities from neighboring peoples. Maŋa likely came from the pastoralist people who inhabited the dry leeward southwest of Guney island, for example. But in their early years the Guneyese had relatively little contact with their neighbors outside of small-scale trade, and thus relatively little theology was borrowed.
Among elites, there was an increasing belief in what later generations termed "reciprocalism" -- namely the view that the world consisted a force, commonly called Morbi, or Power. Morbi is asymmetrical; in the view of these early philosophers the gods had lots of it, and that was the primary difference between them and regular people. Balancing the power in an appropriate way was of great concern to these philosophers; in effect this became the theological justification for offerings, which were the best human recompense for divine favor.
Processions and Power intersected with the Guneyic vision of metaphysics. In this view, Gods were not omniscient nor omnipotent, but rather very powerful beings who traveled across the human world in processions of their own. Their power came from human offerings, and these offerings also could draw attention and intercession from the gods, who may have been elsewhere in the world. After death, good people would go march with the gods in processions of ecstasy and altruism. Bad people would remain as malevolent ghosts until their wrongs were resolved.
The Rise of the Cult of Kügnü
However, around 700 1E [5], Guneyic religion rapidly became defined by the worship of the fertility goddess Kügnü and her sons, Arkat and Degün. This shift's origins aren't especially clear. Kügnü was always popular among farmers due to her association with fertility. It is believed that a long famine in the 680s, combined with plentiful harvests in the 690s, led to increased appreciative devotion. Recent research has also emphasized the popularity of Kügnü among elite women, whose devotion influenced their politically powerful husbands. Regardless, the amenable elites of the various Guneyic polities adopted the fanatical devotion which defined Kügnü worship. These included day-long processions, often accompanied by Dionysian celebrations of mass drinking, as well as instances of "Kügnü possession," in which women, usually elite married women, would "become" Kügnü and issue blessings and occassionally prophecies, as well as participate in frenetic dancing and long, frenzied processions.
None adopted this way of thinking more zealously than the city-state of Gambos, which combined Kügnü worship with an imperial ambition. Gambos made short work of Guneyic city states, and declared itself as the Guneyic empire, marching north to the island of Walesa, and on to Gahal, then called Guney Gaahal, or New Guney. The people there enthusiastically adopted Guneyic religions, customs, and language. Only Western Walesa, or Wale, retained its original language and culture. The long-running problem of increasingly small and marginal inheritances and overpopulation was solved by conquest; those with poor inheritances could move to Walesa or Gahal and have a large estate [6]. Guneyic culture spread extensively in Axanak as well as the language of prestige even without full-on conquest; the popularity of old Guneyic as a lingua franca is the reason why Proto-Axanic is undocumented.
It's worth noting that the rise of Kügnü did not mean the removal of the traditional gods. Rather, they lost much of their luster as objects of devotion, and became primarily of theological interest--much like many early important gods of Hinduism.
Arkat and Degün had unique roles in the cosmology of Guneyic religion. Arkat in many ways was associated with Argök; theological commentaries of the time explained this away as Argök being another form of Arkat. Arkat's profile is as the god of the sun as well, but this was extended into the sky as a whole, and light. Degün, on the other hand, was mostly purloined from the Wale goddess of the moon, albeit gender-flipped. Degün rules the sea with his tidal abilities, and is traditionally seen as the patron of arts and aesthetics. The opposition between these two led to an increased interest in dualism, and the two gods became common shorthand for opposites.
This period also saw an increased interest in eschatology as well, perhaps inspired by indigenous beliefs in Gahal (reinforced by the fact that many of eschatologists were Gahalese). Many theologians began to view this world as the latest in a series of cataclysmic world-remaking events, in which everything was redistributed by corrections in imbalances of Morbi. Here the gods and people were both results of the current era--they did not precede its making at the beginning of time. Opinion on the preceding eras, before the cataclysms which produced the current one, were mixed; some believed it was run by powerful spider-like creatures, while others thought that humans had gills and lived in the sea. Often these preceding eras were allegorical or thought experiments rather than overt declarations of clear facts.
This was how things stood around 980 1e, before everything would be changed by a profound political and philosophical challenge. Coming up: Wale Skepticism.
[1] History in this world is commonly divided into eras; four as of the present day. The current year is 614 3e; the 1st era lasted from 1 1e to 1650 1e, while the 2nd era lasted from 1 2e to 421 2e. The 3rd went from 1 3e to 1104 3e, so there have been 3,789 years in the historical calendar, though as said above much of the first few hundred years of the 1st era are semi-mythological in attestation.
2] Guney Island has a fair few volcanoes, and the fertility of volcanic soils was well known to the people of the region.
[3] The people of this world generally divide the year into weeks of 10 days.
[4] This was and is a common custom when visiting anyone's house as well; it has spread with the spread of Guneyic religion.
[5] Men could be possessed by Kügnü too. Traditionally Guneyic society, while not homophobic per se, was highly disapproving of male "submissiveness" or "effeminacy"--Kügnü possession provided an acceptable justification for either, whether socially or sexually.
[6] Although the economic aspect of Guneyic imperialism is very important, there was a theological aspect too--a large polity could offer large offerings to gods, and on a large scale.
Let me know if this makes sense, or if there are things I should clarify! When a conworld sits in your head for long enough, it's easy to leave out information that may seem obvious to you.
Re: Odds and ends
BTW the intersection and comparison of prejudice rarely says things like rich women are more powerful than poor men, but rather that there are privileges that come from wealth and others that come from perceived gender, and that which privileges are more powerful is highly context dependent and even then can largely come down to the POV of the observer.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
kårroť
kårroť
Re: Odds and ends
Of course. That was certainly true of Guney and what I wrote was definitely over-general; rather I was trying to give a sense of a society which is patriarchal but where social class can frequently matter more and where women have certain rights in terms of property--as opposed to a strawman of Victorian gender roles, say.mèþru wrote: ↑Wed May 08, 2019 3:16 pm BTW the intersection and comparison of prejudice rarely says things like rich women are more powerful than poor men, but rather that there are privileges that come from wealth and others that come from perceived gender, and that which privileges are more powerful is highly context dependent and even then can largely come down to the POV of the observer.
Re: Odds and ends
The maps 're nice, but I admit my first thought was that it looked like a bedroom. If more interesting features appear outside the focus area it would look more realistic.
Is north at the top? Is the north too cold to support large populations?
Is north at the top? Is the north too cold to support large populations?
Re: Odds and ends
There's a big archipelago to the south--I have a hand-drawn map of the island groups and climates somewhere if I can dig it up. I didn't include the islands because they're fairly isolated from the mainland; they are seperated from the Garanih by a very dry zone in southern Guney and the adjacent islands. I don't totally understand the bedroom comment?
Yes.
Re: Odds and ends
ok thanks. I left my comment vague on purpose ... ive heard that a rectangular map is often derived from an earlier "map" of the writer's bedroom .
Re: Odds and ends
The ironic thing is that my first real fantasy maps were all derived from floor plans of my house...I was particularly pleased with the unending vortexes where the stairs were, to say nothing of the archipelago that replaced the furniture in the sitting room.
My name means either "person who trumpets minor points of learning" or "maker of words." That fact that it means the latter in Sindarin is a demonstration of the former. Beware.
Spell Merchant | Patreon
Spell Merchant | Patreon
Re: Odds and ends
I was going to ask whether or not you'd like a digital version of that map, Solarius, but honestly it looks like you're doing just fine in that department.Solarius wrote: ↑Fri May 10, 2019 10:39 pm There's a big archipelago to the south--I have a hand-drawn map of the island groups and climates somewhere if I can dig it up. I didn't include the islands because they're fairly isolated from the mainland; they are seperated from the Garanih by a very dry zone in southern Guney and the adjacent islands.
My name means either "person who trumpets minor points of learning" or "maker of words." That fact that it means the latter in Sindarin is a demonstration of the former. Beware.
Spell Merchant | Patreon
Spell Merchant | Patreon
Re: Odds and ends
Here's some information about Hayakan, a sketch which I retooled into a conlang for a class which I had where I had to make a conlang. I've never been super satisfied with it, but I like some things about it a lot, like the numerals and the general phonaesthetic. I've talked about it and it's setting at the other place if you want to check out.
There are 32 segmental phonemes in Hayakan: 24 consonants and 8 vowels. They’re displayed below:
/i e ɛ a ɔ o u ɯ/<i ei e a o ou u eu>
/ɓ ɗ/<b d>
/p pʰ t tʰ t͡s t͡sʰ k kʰ kʷ kʷʰ ʔ/<p ph t th c ch k kh q qh '>
/f s h/<f s h>
/m n ŋ ŋʷ/<m n ng nq>
/r l j ɰ w/
Phonotactics:
Hayakan has a relatively strict syllable structure of (C)V(C1)(C2), where C represents all consonants and V all vowels. C1 represents the consonants /m n ŋ l r/, and C2 represents any consonant which is identical to the following (i.e., the first element of a geminate).
There are a few other important phonotactic rules. There is no hiatus permitted; cases where it arises morphologically are resolved by deleting the first vowel. Similarly, diphthongs don’t occur.
Allophony:
There are quite a few relevant allophonic processes in Hayakan. I give these in bulleted form for convenience.
Hayakan has a system of stress, much like many European languages. Stress is predictable; where the accent falls is determined by syllable weight. The stress falls on the penultimate syllable in most cases.
/t͡saɓaʔajɛ/ → [t͡sa.ɓa.’ʔa.jɛ]
However, in cases where the final syllable has a coda, the stress falls on the final syllable.
/lɔmɔm/ → [lɔ.’mɔm]
It’s worth noting that this rule only applies when the penultimate syllable lacks a coda. When both the penultimate and ultimate syllables have coda consonants, the stress reverts to the penultimate.
/nippon/ → [‘nip.pon]
There are 32 segmental phonemes in Hayakan: 24 consonants and 8 vowels. They’re displayed below:
/i e ɛ a ɔ o u ɯ/<i ei e a o ou u eu>
/ɓ ɗ/<b d>
/p pʰ t tʰ t͡s t͡sʰ k kʰ kʷ kʷʰ ʔ/<p ph t th c ch k kh q qh '>
/f s h/<f s h>
/m n ŋ ŋʷ/<m n ng nq>
/r l j ɰ w/
Phonotactics:
Hayakan has a relatively strict syllable structure of (C)V(C1)(C2), where C represents all consonants and V all vowels. C1 represents the consonants /m n ŋ l r/, and C2 represents any consonant which is identical to the following (i.e., the first element of a geminate).
There are a few other important phonotactic rules. There is no hiatus permitted; cases where it arises morphologically are resolved by deleting the first vowel. Similarly, diphthongs don’t occur.
Allophony:
There are quite a few relevant allophonic processes in Hayakan. I give these in bulleted form for convenience.
- The distinction between the stops /t tʰ/ and the affricates /t͡s t͡sʰ/ is neutralized before high vowels. Before the high back vowels they both are realized as the affricates [t͡s t͡sʰ] but before /i/ they’re palatalized to [t͡ʃ t͡ʃʰ].
- /ŋ/ is realized as [ŋʷ] before rounded vowels.
- The voiced unaspirated obstruents [p t k kʷ f s] are realized as their voiced counterparts after voiced codas and before vowels; i.e. /alpa/ → [alba] but /alppa/ → [alp:a].
- /ji ɰɯ wu/ are realized as [ʝi ɣɯ ɣʷu].
- The labialized stops /kʷ kʷʰ/ are realized as [k͡p k͡pʰ] before the rounded vowels.
- Nasal consonants assimilate in place of articulation of the following consonant when adjacent to other nasals; i.e. /nm/ → /mm/.
Hayakan has a system of stress, much like many European languages. Stress is predictable; where the accent falls is determined by syllable weight. The stress falls on the penultimate syllable in most cases.
/t͡saɓaʔajɛ/ → [t͡sa.ɓa.’ʔa.jɛ]
However, in cases where the final syllable has a coda, the stress falls on the final syllable.
/lɔmɔm/ → [lɔ.’mɔm]
It’s worth noting that this rule only applies when the penultimate syllable lacks a coda. When both the penultimate and ultimate syllables have coda consonants, the stress reverts to the penultimate.
/nippon/ → [‘nip.pon]
Re: Odds and ends
Nouns in Hayakan are relatively sparse in grammatical marking. The only inflectional morphology which appears on nouns are the possessive prefixes. These prefixes mark possessed nouns, for the person and number of their possessor.
ranaha
3p-neck
“his neck.”
yiba (wa).
2p.PL-water 2p.PL
“your water.”
Number is only marked in 1st and 2nd person pronouns and in possessive prefixes. I label the numbers minimal and augmented because the 1st person inclusive minimal marks a dual meaning--equivalent to English “you and I.” However, since the 1st person inclusive minimal patterns with the other singular pronouns; it makes the most sense to consider it with them and to reanalyze the singular-plural distinction as minimal-augmented.
Because of phonological rules prohibiting hiatus, the vowels in the prefixes are deleted when a vowel begins the root. This means that singular and plural aren’t distinguished in these cases.
There’s another noteworthy morphophonological change too: The 2nd person prefix causes word-initial /a/ to rise to [e].
acira → y-eicira
rope → 2p.SG-rope
“rope” → “your rope.”
Numerals
Numerals in Hayakan follow a positional system; they are semi-transparently derived from body parts. Traditional Hayakan counting was reckoned on the right hand and then on the arm; as a result most basic numerals come from the names of fingers or parts of the hand and arm. Listed below are some numbers:
0. euma--from euma, "mouth"
1. hari--from hari, thumb
2. demeur--from -dem "to point (archaic)" + meur "hand" (literally index finger)
3. rumeur--from rung "center + meur (literally middle finger)
4. reuleur--from reul "slow" + meur (literally ring finger)
5. yase--from yase "palm of the hand"
6. ou--from ousou "knuckles"
7. runci--from rung + titi "arm" (literally forearm)
8. banci--from bang "tip, edge" + titi
9. thacheu--from tha "from, off, below" + cheu "ten"
10. cheu--from cheu "whole thing, totality" (archaic)
11. thadi--from tha + di "shoulder
12. di--from di "shoulder"
13. cheunrum--cheu + san "and" +rum [1]
15. naha--from naha "neck"
20. cheudemeur--cheu + demeur
30. cheurumeur--cheu + rum
60. chou--cheu + ou [2]
99. thakatha--tha + katha "one hundred"
100. katha--from katha "whole body"
Numbers above 21 are formed much like it; [cheu]+[tens’ place]+[one’s place]. 100 is katha, from katho “body.”
Ordinal numbers are identical as well.
Adam yulu hari.
Adam man first
“Adam was the first man.”
Demonstratives
Hayakan has a two-way distinction in demonstratives, much like English. However, there are different stems for adnominal and pronominal uses.
Mangeu wapa eir.
be.sweet cider this
“This cider is sweet.”
Eulomom ngal ada.
POT-drink 3p this
“I may drink this.”
Pronouns
Pronouns in Hayakan are marked for person, clusivity, and number. Much like the possessive prefixes, number is only distinguished in the 1st and 2nd persons. As discussed above, Hayakan number is often analyzed as a minimal-augmented system, meaning that there’s a 1st person minimal inclusive, which refers to a group with one 1st person referent and one 2nd person referent.
The pronoun di is frequently used as an impersonal pronoun, much like “you” or “one” in English.
Nikhil di he Sisifusa mangeunur makehan.
think one REL Sisyphus be.happy-PART necessarily
“One must imagine Sisyphus happy.”
ranaha
3p-neck
“his neck.”
yiba (wa).
2p.PL-water 2p.PL
“your water.”
Number is only marked in 1st and 2nd person pronouns and in possessive prefixes. I label the numbers minimal and augmented because the 1st person inclusive minimal marks a dual meaning--equivalent to English “you and I.” However, since the 1st person inclusive minimal patterns with the other singular pronouns; it makes the most sense to consider it with them and to reanalyze the singular-plural distinction as minimal-augmented.
Because of phonological rules prohibiting hiatus, the vowels in the prefixes are deleted when a vowel begins the root. This means that singular and plural aren’t distinguished in these cases.
There’s another noteworthy morphophonological change too: The 2nd person prefix causes word-initial /a/ to rise to [e].
acira → y-eicira
rope → 2p.SG-rope
“rope” → “your rope.”
Numerals
Numerals in Hayakan follow a positional system; they are semi-transparently derived from body parts. Traditional Hayakan counting was reckoned on the right hand and then on the arm; as a result most basic numerals come from the names of fingers or parts of the hand and arm. Listed below are some numbers:
0. euma--from euma, "mouth"
1. hari--from hari, thumb
2. demeur--from -dem "to point (archaic)" + meur "hand" (literally index finger)
3. rumeur--from rung "center + meur (literally middle finger)
4. reuleur--from reul "slow" + meur (literally ring finger)
5. yase--from yase "palm of the hand"
6. ou--from ousou "knuckles"
7. runci--from rung + titi "arm" (literally forearm)
8. banci--from bang "tip, edge" + titi
9. thacheu--from tha "from, off, below" + cheu "ten"
10. cheu--from cheu "whole thing, totality" (archaic)
11. thadi--from tha + di "shoulder
12. di--from di "shoulder"
13. cheunrum--cheu + san "and" +rum [1]
15. naha--from naha "neck"
20. cheudemeur--cheu + demeur
30. cheurumeur--cheu + rum
60. chou--cheu + ou [2]
99. thakatha--tha + katha "one hundred"
100. katha--from katha "whole body"
Numbers above 21 are formed much like it; [cheu]+[tens’ place]+[one’s place]. 100 is katha, from katho “body.”
Ordinal numbers are identical as well.
Adam yulu hari.
Adam man first
“Adam was the first man.”
Demonstratives
Hayakan has a two-way distinction in demonstratives, much like English. However, there are different stems for adnominal and pronominal uses.
Mangeu wapa eir.
be.sweet cider this
“This cider is sweet.”
Eulomom ngal ada.
POT-drink 3p this
“I may drink this.”
Pronouns
Pronouns in Hayakan are marked for person, clusivity, and number. Much like the possessive prefixes, number is only distinguished in the 1st and 2nd persons. As discussed above, Hayakan number is often analyzed as a minimal-augmented system, meaning that there’s a 1st person minimal inclusive, which refers to a group with one 1st person referent and one 2nd person referent.
The pronoun di is frequently used as an impersonal pronoun, much like “you” or “one” in English.
Nikhil di he Sisifusa mangeunur makehan.
think one REL Sisyphus be.happy-PART necessarily
“One must imagine Sisyphus happy.”