bradrn wrote: ↑Fri Aug 21, 2020 3:42 am
But that being said, there is a somewhat complicated association between pluractionality (including iteratives and frequentatives) and the imperfective aspect.
That sounds a bit like what I was looking for — do you have any more details?
I can try to give an explanation, but despite this being a pretty long post, there’s a lot more to say on this subject (and I’m probably mistaken on some points...). Also, I’m going to be using English examples, which is not ideal since English doesn’t have much in terms of pluractional marking. However, I think the points about repetitions are still relevant here.
Anyway, it’s a sort of indirect association. Plurality in and of situations, and plurality in general, can affect the Aktionsart of the scenario, and the Aktionsart can in turn affect the choice of aspect.
Let's start with defining multiple levels of actional content, from the lowest level to the highest level:
- Phase: The smallest unit of action. Every situation has at least one phase, and every phase belongs to at most one situation.
- Situation: The "basic" unit of action. This is more or less the action denoted by a given verb happening once, with singular participants. However, there can still be singular situations with multiple participants or on multiple locations, perhaps because many participants act together in some way (see collectivity). A dynamic situation is an event, a static situation is a state. Every occasion has at least one situation, and every situation belongs to at most one occasion.
- Occasion: A unit of time that might contain multiple situations that are in some way connected to each other. At the moment, we're not too concerned about the distinction between a single occasion and multiple occasions. Every scenario has at least one occasion and every occasion belongs to at most one scenario.
- Scenario: The totality of phases, situations and occasions. There can only be one scenario.
See for example Cusic, David Dowell (1981) Verbal Plurality and Aspect (Dissertation) p. 64–71, although his terminology is slightly different than mine. I'm afraid this is another area where the terminology is a mess, and there is little agreement about what to call the different levels. This just happens to be my preferred way of naming them. You will find a lot of variation in the literature. Also, not everyone would agree that this system of levels is a good model. In particular, the strict division between the different levels might be a bit shaky. See for example Součková (2011):
https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/bitstr ... sequence=6
(in particular 1.6.2 and 1.8.1)
I'm going to assume you are already familiar with the concept of
Aktionsart. Here, I'm adopting a fairly standard model of Aktionsart with three main distinctions: dynamic vs static, punctual vs durative and telic vs atelic.
Repetition at a lower level can affect the Aktionsart at a higher level
Let's take a simple English sentence as an example:
"He won."
This scenario involves a single situation and a single occasion. The situation is dynamic, punctual and telic, and therefore, the occasion and scenario are also dynamic, punctual and telic. For simplicity, we're not going to care about occasions from now on.
Now, consider the following example:
"He won five times."
This scenario involves five situations (we're going to assume they did not happen at the same time). Each situation is dynamic, punctual and telic. The scenario is still dynamic but it is no longer punctual, since it can no longer be thought of as occurring at a single point in time. Since we are still dealing with a bounded quantity of situations, the scenario is still telic.
Let's look at another example example:
"He kept on winning."
This scenario involves an unbounded number of situations. Each situation is still dynamic, punctual and telic and the scenario is still dynamic. The scenario is durative and not punctual for the same reason as in the last example. However, this time the scenario is atelic, since there it no longer has a natural limit. An unbounded repetition at a lower level can cause atelicity at a higher level.
In English, in- and for-time adverbials can be used as a diagnostic for telicity:
He won five times in/*for two hours. (=telic scenario)
He kept winning *in/for two hours. (=atelic scenario)
This is very much related to the way that unbounded objects can make the scenario atelic:
She built a chair in/*for two hours. (=telic scenario)
She built chairs *in/for two hours. (=atelic scenario)
Now, let's look at how Aktionsart can affect the choice of aspect. I'm going to take the core meaning of the perfective aspect to be ’viewing the scenario from the outside’ and of the imperfective aspect to be ’viewing the scenario from the inside’. I also quite like the explanation on Glottopedia, which has some nice diagrams (their ”situation” probably corresponds to my ”scenario”):
http://www.glottopedia.org/index.php/Aspect
http://www.glottopedia.org/index.php/Perfective
1. Punctual scenarios are semantically incompatible with the imperfective aspect
A scenario that is conceptualized as taking place at a single point in time can’t really be viewed from the inside. If you have a single punctual situation, you also have a punctual
scenenario. Therefore, you would expect perfective marking.
However, punctual
situations are not necessarily incompatible with the imperfective aspect. As we saw above, repetition of punctual situations create a durative scenario. Prototypically punctual verbs may or may not require special pluractional marking to be used with the imperfective aspect. In English, the progressive aspect can give rise to an iterative interpretation without any other marking (typically with so called semelfactives):
”She was knocking on the door.” (repeated punctual situations = durative scenario)
Another strategy for using prototypically punctual verbs in the imperfective aspect is to have them refer to some related durative situation rather than the punctual nuclear situation itself. In English, the progressive aspect can be used to refer to the build-up phase (typically with so called achievements):
”Bob was dying when they found him, but the doctors were able to save his life.” (durative situation = durative scenario)
Note that in this example, Bob didn’t actually die.
Durative scenarios are semantically compatible with both the perfective and the imperfective aspect.
2. Perfectives may require telicity at some level
Depending on the language, the choice between perfective and imperfective aspect may be sensitive to telicity at some level.
My understanding is that this is one of the main distinctions between what Dahl calls Romance-style and Slavic-style aspect. Slavic-style perfectives require telic scenarios, whereas Romance-style perfectives can be combined with either telic or atelic scenarios (this might be an oversimplification). The English simple past vs simple progressive opposition is much closer to Romance-style aspect than to Slavic-style in this regard.
Telic scenarios would normally be compatible with both the perfective and the imperfective aspect but there could be some restrictions. It is questionable whether the English past progressive is compatible with telic scenarios formed from bounded repetition:
?”She was winning five times.”
Possible conflict between 1 and 2
You may have noticed that for atelic punctual scenarios, 1 and 2 could come into conflict. However, there is a lot of disagreement over whether there is such a thing as atelic punctual situations. This may ultimately come down to your definition of telicity. Clearly, semelfactives (”he coughed”, ”she knocked”) are in some way different from achievements (”she won”, ”he died”), but it may not be a difference in telicity. I may be mistake here, but I think Russian requires perfective verbs for all punctual scenarios (it also has a morphological way of marking so calles semelfactive verbs, and I’m not sure how well they corresponds to semelfactives in the Aktionsart sense). This might suggest that Russian treats all punctual scenarios as telic. This may be the case for English as well:
She coughed five times in/*for two hours. (bounded repetition of semelfactives = telic scenario, which doesn’t make sense if the simple situation is atelic)
Some further notes on the relationship between pluractionality, iteratives and iterative interpretations
The English examples above involve iterative semantics, but they don’t involve morphological iteratives or pluractionals. Součková (2011), link above (see 1.3.3–5), talks about different sources of iterative interpretations (or iterative readings). She primarily talks about three sources:
– Imperfective aspect (see the English example under 1 above)
– ”Iterative Aktionsart”
– Pluractionality
Note that her use of the term ”Aktionsart” differs from the model I outlined above (hence the quotation marks). She is dealing with overt marking of ”Aktionsart” and pluractionality. The distinction between her ”iterative Aktionsart” and pluractionality is that the former only has an interative interpretation, whereas the latter has the iterative interpretation as one of its many interpretations (others being for example participant-based). I’m tempted to think of the former as a subtype of pluractionality, though, rather than as a type of Aktionsart marking.