bradrn wrote: ↑Sat Jul 25, 2020 11:57 pmThat isn’t quite what I meant. English has a ‘determiner’ slot in its NP, where you can put an article, a demonstrative, a possessor etc. You can say
the car,
my car,
this car, but you can’t combine two determiners:
*the my car,
*the this car. But many languages don’t have a ‘determiner’ slot in this way: they certainly have articles, demonstratives and possessors, but they allow them to co-occur with each other. See
WALS for more information.
It's an interesting point, but I don't agree with them that the fact that they can have two determiners means they don't have a determiner slot, I think think it means they can have more than one determiner slot. After all does the fact that a noun can have more than one adjective mean that there is no adjective slot? There seems to be an underlying assumption that there can be only one determiner in a NP. I don't see why. 'Determiner' means thing that determines, there can be more than one element to that, such as "definiteness + deixis" as in the example in the WALS section. How should we analyse the French
ce truc-ci or
cette chose-là? The
ce/cette are demonstratives but the
ci/là add further demonstrative information. They are not circumfixes because you can do without the
ci/là, although the reverse is not true. But in general since Quirk/Greenbaum/Leech/Svartvik created the "pre/central/post"-determiner system for English there's been the sense that English determiners are not simply single words in a NP, that there are three slots all of which can be occupied. No we can't say
the this car, but we can say
this very car,
the same car,
that other car,
such a car,
all the car,
half the other car, and other complicated constructions such as
all the king's horses (the
the has to be taken with
king such that the
's applies to that whole phrase; that is then the central determiner, like a personal pronoun possessive, preceded by the pre-determiner
all).Thus 'determining' is not automatically a single, simple thing, but can be multi-featured, and it is not surprising if some language separates definiteness and demonstrativeness.
Anyway, this is all by way of saying that I don't think the 'opposite' of English's complicated system is no determiners, or no determiner slot, but an explicitly simple system in place of a complex system. But thanks for pointing the issue out, it's yet another assumption overturned that demonstratives are necessarily definite.
Noun classifiers: they’re morphemes which (optionally or obligatorily) appear before nouns as a classifier. Sort of like a gender system, but not quite.
I will definitely be using noun classes, and more than just in terms of sex-based genders; I was going to prefix the markers as in Bantu languages. Freeing the class morphemes and making them separate words had not occurred to me; but I want to reverse the English tendency of expressing grammatical relations syntactically and lexical relations morphologically, thus complicating a noun by extra inflection. Not only that, but I shall make them irregular, inconsistent, and not entirely rational.

Incidentally we do have one noun class distinction in English nouns: count vs. non-count. So I'll have to get rid of that of course, which won't be hard as there won't be plurals or the indefinite article.
Possessive classifiers: morphemes which classify different types of possession. You may be familiar with alienable/inalienable: that’s one type of possessive classifier, but systems can get a lot more complex. For instance, in Kipeá-Karirí:
- dz-upodó
- 1s-CL:ROASTED
- do
- POSS
- sabuka
- fowl
My (roasted) fowl
- dz-ukisí
- 1s-CL:SHARING
- do
- POSS
- sabuka
- fowl
My (share of the) fowl
- dz-ubá
- 1s-CL:GIFT
- do
- POSS
- sabuka
- fowl
My fown (that was given to me)
It's interesting; do we have to analyse this as possessive classifiers though? To me the possessive is split between "do" which indicates general possessiveness and "dz" which specifies the person and number of the possessor. The morphemes following "dz" indicate a circumstance of possession, but it's like a distinct factor, like an adjective after "my", as in the English glosses. I guess the quality is wrapped up with the person-indicator, and in the case of 'share of the' that actually affects the nature of the possession, whereas 'roasted' is surely just a quality of the fowl. It would be different also if the range and applicability of the classes was different for the different persons/numbers, and thus depended on them: that would indicate more that the classes were factors associated with the possession rather than just factors associated with the possessed thing and morphologically mixed up with the possession.
See my
ergativity series for details. (You’re in luck: I just finished the section on syntactic ergativity yesterday!)
I also Googled this (
Polinsky 2017) and yes, it's yet another twist in the tale of morphosyntactic alignment! I've already decided to go with tripartite alignment rather than ergative, so I don't think the language would have the same issues with ellipsis in a conjoined clause. "Mother(A) saw father(O) and ∅(S) returned" wouldn't work; unless I allowed it with ambiguity, perhaps with topic-indication, salience, obviation or simply contextual clueing.
Incidentally, why can't some ergative languages allow relativising the A? English and many accusative languages can relativise the O. That restriction seems to be on top of an ergative alignment per se. Also, in what sense is English "fully syntactically accusative", rather than just syntactically accusative?